Richard Cantillon (d. 1734)
Richard Cantillon was born probably
between 1680 and 1690 in County Kerry, Ireland.
He was the son of an Irish nobleman.
He may have been a descendant of the Stuarts, and his family was quite
involved with the Jacobite movement that sought to restore the Stuarts to the
throne of England. Given this, it is
not surprising that Cantillon had strong connections with France and spent most
of his adult life there.
Cantillon was a brilliant financier,
who made a huge fortune in a short period of time by lending money to speculators
and speculating himself on the pound-livre exchange rate and on the value
of Mississippi Company shares. The
Mississippi Company was the huge colonial conglomerate formed by John Law to exploit the riches of the Mississippi territory in North America.
Law's grandiose scheme attracted a huge number of investors, who drove
the prices of his company's stock sky high.
Cantillon, who bought a large quantity of stock early on at a moderate
price, sold out before the stock's price peaked and then collapsed.
Law had predicted that the wealth generated by his project would drive
the French livre up against the pound sterling. Cantillon loaned large amounts of sterling to speculators who wanted
to use it to buy livres. He himself
foresaw a decline in the livre, so he acquired sterling. Law's project generated high inflation, which
indeed drove the livre down. Thus,
Cantillon made huge profits at an early age – and got enough lawsuits to last
a lifetime, in the bargain.
According to the Marquis de Mirabeau,
Cantillon wrote a number of books. However,
only one survived to be published, and that 21 years after Cantillon was murdered
in a house he had bought in London. His Essai
sur la nature du commerce en général shows that Cantillon possessed a
first-rate analytical mind. Niehans
says that, "As a theorist he is indeed one of the shining stars of the
classical galaxy" (24). He adds,
"The combination of early financial success with analytical superiority
makes him the Ricardo of eighteenth-century economics" (27).
Cantillon's major analytical contributions can be classified into three areas:
(1)
Classical monetary theory. Cantillon developed a theory of commodity money
that was correct in nearly all respects.
The value of commodity money is determined by the (marginal) cost of
production. Like Petty, he showed
a firm understanding of the relationship of velocity to money demand. His brightest achievement in monetary theory
was his discussion of the dynamic effects of an increase in the quantity of
money on the economy – the effect on relative prices, expenditures, and interest
rates. For example, Cantillon argued
that the discovery of a new mine lowers the cost of producing money.
Miners gain, and they increase the demand for goods.
Manufacturing output rises, putting upward pressure on the demand for
food. Food prices increase, providing the incentive
to produce more. People on fixed incomes
lose. As the process works its way
through the economy, prices rise in general, and a trade deficit ensues.
(2) Land
theory of value. Cantillon argued
that the market price of a good fluctuates around its intrinsic value, which
is given by the cost of production. Cost
is composed of land, labor, capital goods, and raw materials. Capital goods and raw materials can be resolved
into land and labor. Thus, the only
prime costs are those of land and labor. Cantillon envisioned human
reproduction as an "industry" transforming inputs into labor. This led him to formulate a population
theory similar in most respects to the famous theory stated by Malthus. Cantillon argued that, with unlimited subsistence, men "multiply
like mice in a barn." But subsistence
is limited, and population will eventually expand until it reaches a stationary
state. The subsistence wage depends
on conventional living standards and social conditions. Cantillon
conjectured that 1.5 to 6 acres of average land were required to support a
person in the stationary state. Once a par value between land and labor is
determined, the intrinsic values of all commodities can be reduced to land
only. Since the market prices of goods fluctuate
around the intrinsic values determined by costs, market transactions carry
an element of uncertainty. The role
of bearing risk is the economic function of the entrepreneur. Not until Jean-Baptiste Say was the entrepreneur
to be treated so extensively as by Cantillon.
(3) The
"Three Rents." Most
importantly for the growth of economics, Cantillon developed a model of the flows of goods and money between
sectors of the economy. He modelled
a closed economy with two productive sectors: agriculture and manufacturing. The model contained three social classes: landowners, entrepreneurs (in agriculture and
manufacturing), and hired workers. Cantillon
then traced the flows between the social classes as agricultural and manufactured
goods are produced. Although Cantillon developed
his model verbally, it can be presented in the form of an input-output table
or a circular flow diagram. The figure presented here shows how a total
output of 600 livres is produced and distributed. The landlords spend their rent (100 l.) entirely on manufactured goods. (Cantillon assumed that their food consumption was a negligible
part of agricultural production.) Agriculture
sells half its product (150 l.) to manufacturers and buys one third of manufacturing output (50
l.)
Agriculture uses half its own product, as does manufacturing (150 l.). Cantillon attempted to estimate the magnitude
of the flows between sectors. Thus,
his work was a precursor to national
income accounting, input-output analysis, and, more directly, to the work
of the first physiocrat, François Quesnay,
who developed Cantillon's circular flow model into an elaborate Tableau Économique.
François
Quesnay (1697-1774) and Physiocracy
The first school of economics
was founded by French physician François Quesnay.
Although the physiocrats called themselves les économistes, the title "physiocracy" was soon applied
to their doctrines by outsiders. Physiocracy
literally means something like "doctrine of the natural order." The physiocratic system was based on natural
law concepts. The physiocrats were
distressed at the sad state of French economic affairs and sought to apply
natural law concepts to reforming French
economic policy.
Natural law philosophers held the
optimistic view that a beneficent Creator had set out natural laws which,
if followed, would lead to social harmony.
Faith in beneficence was largely of theological origin.
However, events could take their beneficent "natural course"
only in the rationally organized society
which men were to create in obedience to Nature's precepts.
The theory of an ideal social
order was the first form of liberalism. It was not the doctrine that selfish interests
should be given absolute free play, despite the physiocratic slogan that has
since come to imply that: laissez faire, laissez passer–let them
do it. Rather, to the physiocrats,
natural law was a code of exact rules to be
discovered by use of "reason" as applied to facts of experience
about people and their social relations.
The goal was to establish an ideal
legal order that placed equal restraints on all so as to give equal and
maximum liberty to all. Then the interplay
of interests could give rise to the maximum welfare of all.
Quesnay argued that the physical
laws of nature are beneficent. There
are two parts to his argument: (1)
Only logically inevitable evils exist in the natural world; (2) men, endowed
with "reason" and "free will," can adjust to the environment,
enjoy its benefits, and avoid its evils.
Human ills are due to man's abuse of free will, i.e., to his failure
to follow reason. This thought pattern
is an excellent example of the rationalistic
enlightenment.
Nature prescribes to society certain courses
of action necessary to maximize welfare.
Men use reason to discover the best course. Physiocratic writings combined three sets of "laws": rules
of prudence, rules of justice, and economic laws of process formed by linking
together individual actions. The first
two are ideal, the third is causal. The main interest
of Quesnay was showing what the institutions of the natural order must be.
The physiocrats supported monarchy, but not "absolute monarchy".
The monarch should promulgate as statutes the rules of natural law. His power was to be checked by an independent judiciary, trained
in natural law and having a veto power. Laissez
faire was not inaction, but was action along lines specified by natural
law. Rational policymakers alter the environment,
and people respond predictably (mechanistically). Why? A harmony of interests exists–everyone benefits
by going along. Physiocracy grew out of a highly stratified class society.
The clergy and nobility kept the peasants in
abject poverty through taxation. The
royal court spent extravagantly. Taxes
and fees shackled the economy. The
physiocrats sought to discover the laws of the creation of wealth and thus
to change the structure of society to promote wealth creation. They hoped to rid France of unnecessary and
counterproductive laws and replace them with laws consistent with the natural
order.
The Tableau
Économique
Quesnay developed the Tableau as a way to show the circular
flow of spending and production. The
Tableau demonstrates, given a particular
set of assumptions, that the expenditures by landlords of the economy's net
product (production in excess of costs) is necessary to the reproduction
of an equilibrium output. It also demonstrates
Quesnay's assumed primacy of the primary
industries (agriculture, mining, and fishing). Quesnay's Tableau is based on numerous strong
assumptions. He divides the economy
into two sectors: productive and sterile.
The productive sector consisted of primary industries. Quesnay assumed that the net product of agriculture
equalled 100 percent of annual advances. The sterile sector included
manufacturing, trade, and transportation. This sector produced useful goods and services (at least part of
it did), but yielded no net product. Why did primary industries yield a net product,
while other industries did not? The
standard answer given for decades was that cooperation with bountiful nature
yielded the surplus. Walter Eltis recently
has challenged this convincingly, arguing that competition in the secondary
industries was assumed to drive net product to zero.
Why didn't it do so in the primary industries too?
Because the costs of agricultural production were relatively fixed at
cultural subsistence levels. Costs were
largely paid in agricultural products. When
agricultural productivity rose, so did the net product. Many of Quesnay's assumptions came from his
close observation of French agriculture. His
assumptions included the following: (1) Only
landlords or wealthy farmers can afford the oxen or horses needed to produce
a surplus. Horses were preferred, as
they could plow more and fewer were needed. Oxen were cheaper and were used by sharecroppers.
Entrepreneurial farmers used horses.
La petite culture (oxen) costs and produces less than la grande culture (horses). (2) The
return on la grande culture is much
higher than on la petite. (3) Capital,
not labor, is the key to agricultural productivity. Capital and entrepreneurs, not labor and land,
limit production. The population expands
endogenously through births and immigration when capital is plentiful. (4) Although
competition prevents manufacturers from producing a net product, the wages of
entrepreneurs include something akin to normal profit. Concerning the macroeconomy, Quesnay also made some assumptions: (1) The
demand for manufactures and services depends on the expenditure of the net product
of agriculture by landlords. The sterile
sector depends on the productive sector for demand and for raw materials, but
not vice versa. [Note how this differs
from Steuart's assumption that manufacturing and agriculture depend on each
other for demand, so that balanced growth is of utmost importance.] (2) It
is necessary for landlords to spend their surpluses; if they do not, the government
must 'despoil' them of the surpluses. Expenditure of rents affects the demand for both industrial and
agricultural products.
The Tableau Économique
Expenditure by farmers Expenditure by landlords Expenditure by sterile sector
Previous year's net
2000
l.
- - - - - - - -
- - - > 2000
l.
1000
l.
- - - - - - - -
- - - > 1000
l.
1000 l.
500
l.
- - - - - - - -
- - - >
500 l.
500 l.
250
l. -
- - - - - - - -
- - > 250 l.
250 l.
125
l.
- - - - - - - -
- - - >
125 l.
125 l.
etc.
_______ _______ _______
2000
l.
2000 l.
2000 l.
The Tableau
is based on the assumption that one half of revenues are spent on each sector.
Thus, one half is spent within each sector. The 2000 livres ultimately spent on agricultural
products produces 4000 livres worth of output: 2000 required to cover costs of production,
including "interest" on farmers' capital (horses, plows, etc.) and
2000 paid as rent to landlords. The
2000 livres spent on sterile goods produces only 2000 l. worth of output. The 2000
l. going to landlords as rent really
represents a return on capital rather than land; payment for investment in improvement
of the land. (E.g., two years were needed
to produce the first wheat crop.) The Tableau
explains the physiocrats' antipathy toward
saving, which they equated with hoarding specie. If landlords hoard, spending on agricultural
goods declines, reducing next year's net product. Greater spending on the sterile sector also reduces the net product. If only landlords receive a social surplus,
then they must ultimately pay all taxes (one way or another). Physiocrats supported a single tax on rent. Tax revenue
could then be increased by reorganizing agriculture so that more farming was
done by entrepreneurs (la grande culture).
Political pressures killed both reforms.
Sources:
O.H. Taylor, Economics and Liberalism:
Collected Papers.
Alfred F. Chalk, “Natural Law and the Rise of Economic Individualism in
England,” Journal of Political Economy
59, August 1951: 330-47. Reprinted in RHET: 32-47.
Jürg Niehans, A History of Economic Theory.
Walter Eltis, Classical Theory of
Economic Growth.